The New South
While the West was being “won” by settlers and the U.S. Army, the South was still recovering from the devastation of the Civil War. Even before Reconstruction ended in 1877, some southerners promoted a new vision for a self-sufficient southern economy built on modern capitalist values, industrial growth, and improved transportation. Chief among them was Henry Grady, the editor of the Atlanta Constitution. Grady spread the gospel of the New South with editorials that argued for economic diversity and laissez-faire capitalism. Local governments helped spur growth by offering tax exemptions to attract investors to start new industries. Cheap (low-wage) labor was another incentive for businesses to locate in the New South.
Economic Progress
A number of southern cities prospered in the late 19th century. Birmingham, Alabama, became a symbol of the New South by developing into one of the nation’s leading steel centers. Memphis, Tennessee, prospered as a center for the South’s growing lumber industry. Richmond, the former capital of the Confederacy, recovered from being burned down at the end of the Civil War to become the capital of the nation’s tobacco industry.
Cheaper labor rates enabled the states of Georgia, North Carolina, and South Carolina to overtake the New England states as the chief producers of textiles. By 1900, the South had 400 cotton mills employing almost 100,000 white workers.
Railroads also gave a boost to the emergence of the New South. During the postwar years, the southern railroad companies rapidly converted to the standard-gauge rails used in the North and West. As a result, by 1890, an integrated rail network was established throughout the South. The South’s rate of postwar growth from 1865 to 1900 equalled or surpassed that of the other regions of the country in terms of population, industry, and railroads.
Continued Poverty
Despite progress and growth, the South remained a largely agricultural section — and also the poorest region in the country. To a greater extent than before the war, northern financing dominated much of the southern economy. Northern investors controlled three-quarters of the southern railroads and by
1900 had control of the South’s steel industry as well. A large share of the profits from the new industries went to northern banks and financiers. Industrial workers in the South (94 percent of whom were white) earned half of the national average and worked longer hours than elsewhere. Most southerners of both races remained in traditional roles and barely got by from year to year as sharecroppers and farmers.
The poverty of the majority of southerners was not caused by northern capitalists. Two other factors were chiefly responsible: (1) the South’s late start at industrialization and (2) a poorly educated workforce. Only a small number of southerners had the technological skills needed for industrial development. The South failed to invest in technical and engineering schools as did the North. Furthermore, in the late 1800s, political leadership in the South provided little support for the education of either poor whites or poor African Americans. Without adequate education, the southern workforce was cut off from economic opportunities in the fast-changing world of the late 19th century.
Agriculture
The South’s postwar economy remained tied mainly to growing cotton. Between 1870 and 1900, the number of acres planted in cotton more than doubled. Increased productivity, however, only added to the cotton farmer’s problems, as a glut of cotton on world markets caused cotton prices to decline by more than 50 percent by the 1890s. Per capita income in the South actually declined, and many farmers lost their farms. By 1900, over half the region’s white farmers and three-quarters of the black farmers were tenants (or sharecrop- pers), most of them straining to make a living from small plots of 15 to 20 acres. A shortage of credit forced farmers to borrow supplies from local merchants in the spring with a lien, or mortgage, on their crops to be paid at harvest. The combination of sharecropping and crop liens forced poor farmers to remain tenants, virtual serfs tied to the land by debt.
Some southern farmers sought to diversify their farming to escape the trap of depending entirely on cotton. George Washington Carver, an African- American scientist at Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, promoted the growing of such crops as peanuts, sweet potatoes, and soybeans. His work played an important role in shifting southern agriculture toward a more diversified base.
Even so, most small farmers in the South remained in the cycle of debt and poverty. As in the North and the West, the hard times produced a harvest of discontent. By 1890, the Farmers’ Southern Alliance claimed more than 1 million members. A separate organization for African Americans, the Colored Farmers’ National Alliance, had about 250,000 members. Both organizations rallied behind political reforms to solve the farmers’ economic problems. If poor black and poor white farmers in the South could have united, they would have been a potent political force, but the upper class’ economic interests as well as powerful racial attitudes stood in their way.
Segregation
With the end of Reconstruction in 1877, the North withdrew its protection of the freedmen and left southerners to work out solutions to their own social and economic problems. As we have seen, the redeemers were Democratic politicians who came to power in the southern states after Reconstruction. They won support from two groups: the business community and the white supremacists. The latter group favored policies of separating, or segregating, public facilities for blacks and whites as a means of treating African Americans as social inferiors. The redeemers often used race as a rallying cry to deflect attention away from the real concerns of tenant farmers and the working poor. They discovered that they could gain and keep political power by playing on the racial fears of whites.
Discrimination and the Supreme Court. During Reconstruction, federal laws protected southern blacks from discriminatory acts by local and state governments. Starting in the late 1870s, however, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down one Reconstruction act after another applying to civil rights. In the Civil Rights Cases of 1883, the Court ruled that Congress could not legislate against the racial discrimination practiced by private citizens, which included railroads, hotels, and other businesses used by the public.
Then, in 1896, in the landmark case of Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court upheld a Louisiana law requiring “separate but equal accommodations” for white and black passengers on railroads. The Court ruled that the Louisiana law did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment’s guarantee of “equal protection of the laws.” Soon after this decision, a wave of segregation laws, commonly known as Jim Crow laws, were adopted by southern states. These laws required segregated washrooms, drinking fountains, park benches, and other facilities in virtually all public places. Only the use of streets and most stores was not restricted according to a person’s race.
Loss of civil rights. Other discriminatory laws resulted in the wholesale disfranchisement of black voters by 1900. In Louisiana, for example, 130,334 black voters were registered in 1896 but only 1,342 in 1904—a 99 percent decline. Various political and legal devices were invented to prevent southern blacks from voting. Among the most common obstacles were literacy tests, poll taxes, and political party primaries for whites only. Many southern states adopted so-called grandfather clauses, which allowed a man to vote only if his grandfather had cast ballots in elections before Reconstruction. The Supreme Court again gave its sanction to such laws in a case of 1898, in which it upheld a state’s right to use literacy tests to determine citizens’ qualifications for voting.
Discrimination took many forms. In southern courts, African Americans were barred from serving on juries. If convicted of crimes, they were often given stiffer penalties than whites. In some cases, African Americans accused of crimes were not even given the benefit of a court-ordered sentence. Lynch mobs killed over 1,400 men during the 1890s. Economic discrimination was also widely practiced, keeping most southern African Americans out of skilled trades and even factory jobs. Thus, while poor whites and immigrants learned the industrial skills that would help them rise into the middle class, African Americans remained engaged in dead-end farming and low-paying domestic work.
Responding to segregation. Disenfranchisement, segregation, and lynching left African Americans in the South in a nearly powerless condition. Some black leaders advocated leaving the oppression behind by migrating to Kansas, Oklahoma, or even to Africa. Bishop Henry Turner formed the International Migration Society in 1894 to help American blacks emigrate to Africa. Ida B. Wells, editor of the Memphis Free Speech, a black newspaper, devoted her efforts to campaigning against lynching and the Jim Crow laws. Death threats and the destruction of her printing press forced Wells to carry on her work in the North.
One response to discrimination that was widely accepted by whites and African Americans in the hostile racial climate of the 1880s and 1890s was proposed by Booker T. Washington, a former slave who had graduated from Hampton Institute. In 1881, Washington established an industrial and agricultural school at Tuskegee, Alabama, which he built into the largest and best- known industrial school in the nation. Washington’s mission became to teach southern African Americans skilled trades, the virtues of hard work, moderation, and economic self-help. Earning money, he said, was like having “a little green ballot” that would empower African Americans more effectively than a political ballot. Speaking at an exposition in Atlanta in 1895, Washington argued that “the agitation of the questions of social equality is the extremest folly.” In 1900, he organized the National Negro Business League, which established 320 chapters across the country to support businesses owned and operated by African Americans. Largely because Washington preached racial harmony and economic cooperation, his leadership was praised by industrialist Andrew Carnegie and by President Theodore Roosevelt.
In a later era, many civil rights leaders would consider Booker T. Washing- ton’s approach (especially his Atlanta speech) to be a sellout to segregation and discrimination. After 1900, the younger African-American leader W. E. B. Du Bois would demand an end to segregation and the granting of equal civil rights to all Americans.
Economic Progress
A number of southern cities prospered in the late 19th century. Birmingham, Alabama, became a symbol of the New South by developing into one of the nation’s leading steel centers. Memphis, Tennessee, prospered as a center for the South’s growing lumber industry. Richmond, the former capital of the Confederacy, recovered from being burned down at the end of the Civil War to become the capital of the nation’s tobacco industry.
Cheaper labor rates enabled the states of Georgia, North Carolina, and South Carolina to overtake the New England states as the chief producers of textiles. By 1900, the South had 400 cotton mills employing almost 100,000 white workers.
Railroads also gave a boost to the emergence of the New South. During the postwar years, the southern railroad companies rapidly converted to the standard-gauge rails used in the North and West. As a result, by 1890, an integrated rail network was established throughout the South. The South’s rate of postwar growth from 1865 to 1900 equalled or surpassed that of the other regions of the country in terms of population, industry, and railroads.
Continued Poverty
Despite progress and growth, the South remained a largely agricultural section — and also the poorest region in the country. To a greater extent than before the war, northern financing dominated much of the southern economy. Northern investors controlled three-quarters of the southern railroads and by
1900 had control of the South’s steel industry as well. A large share of the profits from the new industries went to northern banks and financiers. Industrial workers in the South (94 percent of whom were white) earned half of the national average and worked longer hours than elsewhere. Most southerners of both races remained in traditional roles and barely got by from year to year as sharecroppers and farmers.
The poverty of the majority of southerners was not caused by northern capitalists. Two other factors were chiefly responsible: (1) the South’s late start at industrialization and (2) a poorly educated workforce. Only a small number of southerners had the technological skills needed for industrial development. The South failed to invest in technical and engineering schools as did the North. Furthermore, in the late 1800s, political leadership in the South provided little support for the education of either poor whites or poor African Americans. Without adequate education, the southern workforce was cut off from economic opportunities in the fast-changing world of the late 19th century.
Agriculture
The South’s postwar economy remained tied mainly to growing cotton. Between 1870 and 1900, the number of acres planted in cotton more than doubled. Increased productivity, however, only added to the cotton farmer’s problems, as a glut of cotton on world markets caused cotton prices to decline by more than 50 percent by the 1890s. Per capita income in the South actually declined, and many farmers lost their farms. By 1900, over half the region’s white farmers and three-quarters of the black farmers were tenants (or sharecrop- pers), most of them straining to make a living from small plots of 15 to 20 acres. A shortage of credit forced farmers to borrow supplies from local merchants in the spring with a lien, or mortgage, on their crops to be paid at harvest. The combination of sharecropping and crop liens forced poor farmers to remain tenants, virtual serfs tied to the land by debt.
Some southern farmers sought to diversify their farming to escape the trap of depending entirely on cotton. George Washington Carver, an African- American scientist at Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, promoted the growing of such crops as peanuts, sweet potatoes, and soybeans. His work played an important role in shifting southern agriculture toward a more diversified base.
Even so, most small farmers in the South remained in the cycle of debt and poverty. As in the North and the West, the hard times produced a harvest of discontent. By 1890, the Farmers’ Southern Alliance claimed more than 1 million members. A separate organization for African Americans, the Colored Farmers’ National Alliance, had about 250,000 members. Both organizations rallied behind political reforms to solve the farmers’ economic problems. If poor black and poor white farmers in the South could have united, they would have been a potent political force, but the upper class’ economic interests as well as powerful racial attitudes stood in their way.
Segregation
With the end of Reconstruction in 1877, the North withdrew its protection of the freedmen and left southerners to work out solutions to their own social and economic problems. As we have seen, the redeemers were Democratic politicians who came to power in the southern states after Reconstruction. They won support from two groups: the business community and the white supremacists. The latter group favored policies of separating, or segregating, public facilities for blacks and whites as a means of treating African Americans as social inferiors. The redeemers often used race as a rallying cry to deflect attention away from the real concerns of tenant farmers and the working poor. They discovered that they could gain and keep political power by playing on the racial fears of whites.
Discrimination and the Supreme Court. During Reconstruction, federal laws protected southern blacks from discriminatory acts by local and state governments. Starting in the late 1870s, however, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down one Reconstruction act after another applying to civil rights. In the Civil Rights Cases of 1883, the Court ruled that Congress could not legislate against the racial discrimination practiced by private citizens, which included railroads, hotels, and other businesses used by the public.
Then, in 1896, in the landmark case of Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court upheld a Louisiana law requiring “separate but equal accommodations” for white and black passengers on railroads. The Court ruled that the Louisiana law did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment’s guarantee of “equal protection of the laws.” Soon after this decision, a wave of segregation laws, commonly known as Jim Crow laws, were adopted by southern states. These laws required segregated washrooms, drinking fountains, park benches, and other facilities in virtually all public places. Only the use of streets and most stores was not restricted according to a person’s race.
Loss of civil rights. Other discriminatory laws resulted in the wholesale disfranchisement of black voters by 1900. In Louisiana, for example, 130,334 black voters were registered in 1896 but only 1,342 in 1904—a 99 percent decline. Various political and legal devices were invented to prevent southern blacks from voting. Among the most common obstacles were literacy tests, poll taxes, and political party primaries for whites only. Many southern states adopted so-called grandfather clauses, which allowed a man to vote only if his grandfather had cast ballots in elections before Reconstruction. The Supreme Court again gave its sanction to such laws in a case of 1898, in which it upheld a state’s right to use literacy tests to determine citizens’ qualifications for voting.
Discrimination took many forms. In southern courts, African Americans were barred from serving on juries. If convicted of crimes, they were often given stiffer penalties than whites. In some cases, African Americans accused of crimes were not even given the benefit of a court-ordered sentence. Lynch mobs killed over 1,400 men during the 1890s. Economic discrimination was also widely practiced, keeping most southern African Americans out of skilled trades and even factory jobs. Thus, while poor whites and immigrants learned the industrial skills that would help them rise into the middle class, African Americans remained engaged in dead-end farming and low-paying domestic work.
Responding to segregation. Disenfranchisement, segregation, and lynching left African Americans in the South in a nearly powerless condition. Some black leaders advocated leaving the oppression behind by migrating to Kansas, Oklahoma, or even to Africa. Bishop Henry Turner formed the International Migration Society in 1894 to help American blacks emigrate to Africa. Ida B. Wells, editor of the Memphis Free Speech, a black newspaper, devoted her efforts to campaigning against lynching and the Jim Crow laws. Death threats and the destruction of her printing press forced Wells to carry on her work in the North.
One response to discrimination that was widely accepted by whites and African Americans in the hostile racial climate of the 1880s and 1890s was proposed by Booker T. Washington, a former slave who had graduated from Hampton Institute. In 1881, Washington established an industrial and agricultural school at Tuskegee, Alabama, which he built into the largest and best- known industrial school in the nation. Washington’s mission became to teach southern African Americans skilled trades, the virtues of hard work, moderation, and economic self-help. Earning money, he said, was like having “a little green ballot” that would empower African Americans more effectively than a political ballot. Speaking at an exposition in Atlanta in 1895, Washington argued that “the agitation of the questions of social equality is the extremest folly.” In 1900, he organized the National Negro Business League, which established 320 chapters across the country to support businesses owned and operated by African Americans. Largely because Washington preached racial harmony and economic cooperation, his leadership was praised by industrialist Andrew Carnegie and by President Theodore Roosevelt.
In a later era, many civil rights leaders would consider Booker T. Washing- ton’s approach (especially his Atlanta speech) to be a sellout to segregation and discrimination. After 1900, the younger African-American leader W. E. B. Du Bois would demand an end to segregation and the granting of equal civil rights to all Americans.